What does he mean by the words, “Mr Modi believes the world is like him. He thinks every one has a price…”?
The tweet was in response to a news report that the Modi government is setting up an inter-ministerial committee, headed by a special director of the Enforcement Directorate, to investigate alleged violations of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, the Income Tax Act, the Foreign Contributions Regulation Act, and other regulations — by three ‘trusts’ linked to the Gandhi family — Rajiv Gandhi Foundation (RGF), Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust (RGCT) and Indira Gandhi Memorial Trust. The move came after BJP president J.P. Nadda disclosed that RGF received donations from the Communist Party of China (CPC), the country’s supreme entity, and other Chinese entities.
Media soon broke other connected stories:
- As Finance Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh tried to allocate ₹100 crore in the 1991-92 Budget (about ₹691 crore today based on inflation) to RGF to be paid @ ₹20 crore per annum, but was forced to withdraw this due to a huge uproar in parliament.
- RGF received a donation of $300,000 from CPC in 2005-06 (₹1.354 crore then, about ₹3.828 crore today).
- RGF received donations from the PMNRF, a fund to which ordinary citizens donate money to be spent on schemes like disaster relief.
- RGF got donations from several Central and state ministries, PSEs and PSBs.
- RGF also got donations from dozens of private individuals, companies, banks and trusts, including scam-accused businessmen such as Mehul Choksi, Rana Kapoor, Jignesh Shah and Sanjay Chandra.
- In August 2008, the Congress party signed an MOU with the CPC. Rahul Gandhi signed the MoU with Wang Jia Rui, minister in the international department of the CPC, in the presence of Sonia Gandhi, then Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping and Congress’s Anand Sharma.
- The Rajiv Gandhi Institute of Contemporary Studies (RGICS) had some kind of ‘partnership’ with the China Association for International Friendly Contact (CAIFC). CAIFC is part of the Political Work Department of the Central Military Commission of China and has been under scrutiny by USA’s FBI and other global agencies which suspect it could be a spy agency for China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the same army that has entered Indian territory in Eastern Ladakh two months ago.
What many people may not know is that the PLA occupied 640–750 sq.km. of Indian territory in Eastern Ladakh during UPA-2 (the Second Sonia Sarkar).
In 2013, former Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran, then Chairman of the National Security Advisory Board of India’s National Security Council, after his visit to the region had informed the government that a PLA patrol had set a new LAC, thus occupying 640 sq.km. of Indian territory.
One of India’s top strategic thinkers, Dr Brahma Chellaney wrote on 11 May 2013 in The Japan Times, “on the night of April 15, a PLA platoon stealthily intruded near the China-India-Pakistan tri-junction, established a camp 19-km inside Indian-controlled territory, and presented India’s government with the potential loss of a strategically vital, 750-square-km, high-altitude plateau… To add to India’s woes, Salman Khurshid, the country’s bungling foreign minister, initially made light of the deepest Chinese incursion in more than a quarter-century. The garrulous minister called the intrusion just “one little spot” of acne on the otherwise “beautiful face” of the bilateral relationship — a mere blemish that could be treated with “an ointment”.
Khurshid also said during his May 2013 China visit that he would “love to live in Beijing.” Times of India wrote: “Khurshid’s visit took on such a rosy hue that it’s difficult to believe India and China were on the verge of a border conflict just a week ago.”
It has been widely reported in Indian and international media that the PLA made nearly 600 incursions into Indian territory between 2010 and 2013 9 (during UPA-2, after the Chinese donations to RGF and Congress party MOU with China’s CPC).
Now please allow me to tell you why I chose the headline: “Does Rahul Gandhi Have Memory Loss?” for this article.
What the 50-year-old Rahul clearly does not understand is that not only did PM Modi win the 2014 elections because the country was fed up with dozens of corruption scandals during the 10 years of UPA (2004–2014) rule — when Dr Manmohan Singh was the ‘accidental prime minister‘ working under the orders and directions of Rahul’s mother Sonia and her completely unconstitutional NAC — but also because, as Gujarat CM for 12+ years, Modi had a corruption-free record.
And when Modi got re-elected as the PM in 2019 with a bigger majority, it was again due to a 5-year-record of a corruption-free government, despite Rahul’s charges of corruption in the Rafale deal and his jibes of Chowkidar Chor Hai directed towards Modi.
Let me refresh Rahul’s memory with some facts:
- A single party crossed 300 seats (BJP got 303) on its own for the first time since 1984, when Rajiv Gandhi won 414 seats due to the sympathy vote following his mother Indira Gandhi’s assassination.
- A ruling party was returned to power with an absolute majority for the first time in 48 years – last time it was the Indira-led Congress in 1971. However, Congress’s vote share in 1971 rose by only 7.1% compared to 1967; whereas BJP’ vote share grew by 19% compared to 2014. Therefore, Modi-led BJP’s performance in 2019 is considerably better than Indira Gandhi’s Congress of 1971.
- A ruling party was returned with a bigger majority for the first time in 62 years – last time it was Nehru-led Congress’s victory in 1957.
- This was the highest vote share for a ruling party at the centre since Rajiv Gandhi got 48.1% in 1984.
- Having performed very well in 2014 (66.7% higher votes than in 2009), the BJP should have lost some vote share this time. At the same time, having performed very badly in 2014 (31.6% lower votes than in 2009), the Congress should have substantially increased its vote share. In reality, while the BJP’s vote share grew by an impressive 19.2%, Congress’s share actually went down by 0.3%.
- Under Modi’s leadership, the BJP increased its vote share by a whopping 98.7% compared with 2009, while the NDA alliance increased its share by 83.2%.
- Having won just 44 seats in 2014, Congress should have at least doubled its tally to 88 seats in 2019, if not crossing the three-figure mark, which many people expected it to. Forget the Congress, even the Congress-led UPA (including CPI and CPM which contested as part of UPA in Odisha and Tamil Nadu, while opposing Congress/UPA in Kerala and West Bengal) could not manage to reach the three-figure mark – it got just 94 seats. On its own, the Congress managed to win just 52 seats, which is just 4 more than its 48 MPs in the outgoing Lok Sabha. (The Congress tally had gone up from 44 to 48 seats in various bye-elections from May 2014 to May 2019).
- With 52 out of 94 seats, Congress’s contribution to total UPA seats was just 55.3%, whereas, with 303 out of 353 NDA seats, BJP’s contribution was 85.8%.
- In the last six Lok Sabha elections fought under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi, BJP got average 201 seats, a whopping 71.8% higher than Congress’s 117 seats over 21 years. The contrast in the case of NDA versus UPA is even higher. While NDA won average 259 seats, UPA won only 152. Thus, NDA’s seat share has been 70.4% better than UPA’s in these 21 years. What does this tell you? It tells me that Congress leaders and spokespersons need to wake up and smell the coffee, as they have been constantly blabbering on TV that “Congress is the NATURAL PARTY OF CHOICE in India”.
- The NDA with 45.1% got 73.5% higher vote share than the UPA’s 26% and 56% higher than “Others” who got 28.9%. The vote share of “Others” was the lowest since 1984.
- BJP alone with 37.3% got almost double the vote share of Congress’s 19.46%. In seats that BJP contested on its own, the party’s vote share was ~46%, compared with ~39% in 2014. Congress got just ~24% vote share in the seats that it contested.
- NDA got more than 50% vote share in 17 states and Union Territories (UTs). Congress crossed the 50% mark only in Puducherry. In 2014, NDA had got over 50% vote share only in eight states and UTs.
- NDA won ALL seats in 10 states and UTs. It also won 39 of 40 seats in Bihar, 28 of 29 in MP, 26 of 28 in Karnataka, 12 of 14 in Jharkhand, and 9 of the 11 seats in Chhattisgarh. BJP alone won ALL the seats in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Haryana, Delhi, Uttarakhand, HP, and Arunachal Pradesh.
- NDA won 16 out of 52 Muslim-dominated seats and 15 out of 25 seats in the Christian-dominated Northeast region. Thus, Rahul Gandhi’s shouting brigade on TV cannot label BJP as a “Hindu party” anymore.
- BJP won 18 seats in West Bengal. It has never won more than 2 seats in the state earlier. It’s vote share in the state grew by a whopping 139%.
- Rahul lost his family bastion – Amethi – to Smriti Irani by 55,120 votes. This seat has been won by Gandhi family members 9 times (and by a close family confidant twice) in the previous 12 elections.
- Except Tamil Nadu, where it rode on top of its alliance partner DMK, Congress won only 7 seats in India’s 10 largest states. It failed to win even a single seat in as many as 20 states and UTs. The party managed to reach double digits only in one state – Kerala – where it won 16 of its total 52 seats.
- Even the UPA failed to open its account in as many as 17 states and UTs. The UPA won just 1 seat in each of the large states of UP, Bihar, MP and Odisha; making it a sum total of 4 seats out of 170 in these four states.
- Out of 52 seats that Congress won across the nation, India’s grand old party won 31 seats from just three states (15 in Kerala, 8 each in Tamil Nadu and Punjab) and 2 seats from 2 UTs. In the balance 26 states and 5 UTs, Congress won 19 seats, at an average of just 0.61 seats per state/UT.
- The 9 seats won by Congress in TN and Puducherry were due to the anti-AIADMK pro-DMK wave, the 8 seats in Punjab due to CM Capt. Amarinder Singh, the 3 seats in Assam due to Tarun Gogoi, and the single seat in MP due to Kamal Nath. Thus, the Gandhis/Vadras won just 31 seats on their own merit.
- Congress came third or lower in 41.1% of the total seats that it contested – 173 seats out of total 421.
- Several Congress stalwarts were ousted. These included LS Leader of Opposition Mallikarjuna Kharge; former CMs Sushilkumar Shinde and Ashok Chavan (Maharashtra), Digvijay Singh (MP), Veerappa Moily (Karnataka), Bhupinder Hooda (Haryana), and Late Sheila Dixit (Delhi); and 12 dynasts Jyotiraditya Scindia (who has now joined the BJP), Milind Deora, Sushmita Dev, Jitin Prasada, Deepender Hooda, Priya Dutt, Deepa Dasmunshi, Sunil Jakhar, Kumari Selja, Vaibhav Gehlot, and Bhavya Bishnoi.
The Congress party suffered its second successive humiliating defeat in 2019 as it played destructive politics between 2014 and 2019 — Rahul Gandhi leading the way with utter nonsense like Chowkidar Chor Hai and Gabbar Singh Tax.
The party recently threw out its most outspoken spokesperson Sanjay Jha for asking the party to reform itself. Jha’s Twitter profile now has this bio: Congressi by DNA. Sacked as National Spokesperson for writing:” India needs a reawakened and revitalized Congress, ready to win the second freedom struggle”.
Rahul reportedly publicly lambasted RPN Singh for suggesting that the party should not poke fun at Modi during the China border standoff — On June 21, Rahul had tweeted “Narendra Modi is actually Surender (meaning “surrender”) Modi”.
If he (Rahul) continues his childish behaviour, not only will they end up with another humiliating defeat in 2024 (perhaps even more severe than 2019), but I predict that some more progressive and ‘young’ Congressmen like Milind Deora, Jitin Prasada, Deepender Hooda and RPN Singh will leave the party, just like Jyotiraditya Scindia recently and Himanta Biswa Sarma much before him.
NOTE: It’s not just younger leaders, but even senior leaders like former Karnataka CM and former EAM S.M. Krishna, Rao Inderjit Singh, Chaudhary Birender Singh and one of the party’s sanest spokespersons Tom Vadakkan have joined BJP.